In Real Heat, Carol Chetkovich, an assistant professor of public policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, explores the issues of gender and race in today's fire service by studying the experiences of 26 firefighter recruits in the Oakland, California, Fire Department in 1991 and 1992.* To do so, she conducted extensive interviews with the recruits, held discussions with incumbent firefighters and officers, visited all the department's stations and responded to emergency scenes over a period of more than a year and a half. Chetkovich's work focuses on issues critical to the making of a firefighter: what it means to be a firefighter (both to oneself and to the firefighting culture), how recruits prove themselves as firefighters, what the learning process for new recruits in the fire station consists of and how it is conducted, and how recruits become accepted as firefighters. Each of these areas is assessed from the perspectives of sex and race. How do the experiences of a Hispanic male recruit in a new fire station differ from those of an African-American man or a white woman? How are recruits of various backgrounds encouraged to learn new skills, or prevented from doing so? What role is played by skill in the cultural demands of the job: competence in navigating the organizational culture? What other factors enhance or inhibit acceptance for firefighters? And what are the lessons in all of this that can equalize opportunity in fire departments and in the society at large?
As a result, women firefighters are often seen by their male co-workers as unskilled, lacking knowledge, or even incompetent. It would thus seem that the simple solution is for women to learn to be more aggressive even when they're not sure what they're doing. But, as Chetkovich goes on to point out, and as most women firefighters are acutely aware, the cost of making mistakes is great. No recruit wants to be labeled as having messed up at something or other, and women as outsiders are particularly liable to have their mistakes publicized -- and not always accurately. Women have excellent reason to be cautious, given the unfriendly spotlight on their performance... Where a male newcomer might shrug or even laugh off a mistake by figuring he'd get it right the next time, many women would justly fear that their coworkers would conclude they were not fit for the job. What should be learning situations for recruits thus end up being tests and not education. In discussing an incident where one of the female recruits had the nozzle at a fire, wasn't aggressive enough with it, and suffered the humiliation of having it taken away from her, Chetkovich comments:
In such a context, the only thing one learns from one's mistakes is not to make any more of them. This is hard to do when at the same time one is trying to act more aggressively on uncertain turf. Going along to get along
Instead, women in the stations were received most often by being ignored. Many women firefighters will surely be able sympathize with these female recruits who would so much have preferred the hazing to the silence, and who longed for the inclusion that teasing and practical jokes would have represented.
Chetkovich found in her interviews that "most black men acknowledged that individual people or stations might be racist, but they also felt strongly that this possibility wasn't something that had to stand in their way." For women, on the other hand, as one of the male recruits put it, "'The women know they're not accepted here, by the men whether they're black, Hispanic, Asian, or white... (I)t would be very, very difficult for a woman to be accepted.'" This categorical exclusion will ring true for many women who have been shocked by the depths of hostility they have encountered in some male firefighters, or by comments that reveal how male firefighters' sense of their own masculinity can be involved with their work as firefighters and thus threatened by women's presence and competence on the job. Because this recruit class included only one African-American woman, no in-depth assessment could be done of the effects of racism within gender, which would have provided further insight on this issue. As many African-American women firefighters have found, white women can -- and sometimes do -- use racism as a way to bond with white men in order to gain acceptance on the job. And, as one of the Oakland women told Chetkovich, while she hadn't been fully accepted, "'Being white probably made it a lot easier for me... I think that the black women firefighters have it a lot harder.'" Relevance beyond the Oakland Fire Department Chetkovich limited her study to Oakland firefighters in order to gain an in-depth perspective on the issues, rather than the wider but shallower one that would have come from studying firefighters in several different departments. While aware that her perceptions have been "shaped by the location of the study" including smaller, less-traditional suburban departments, for example, might have produced very different results she accurately concludes that her findings will be applicable to most other large urban departments. A significant factor in this shaping, as mentioned above, is the strong presence of African-American men on the department. The Oakland Fire Department is 29% black, with consistent representation at all levels of the chain of command. The fire chief is an African-American man. In a department where such percentages and ranks have not been achieved, new black recruits (of either sex, but particularly men) might find less reason to trust the system, and would be less confident of their eventual acceptance and less able to see themselves as firefighters. While the black male firefighters in Chetkovich's study found greater acceptance on the job than most or all of the women, this would not necessarily be the case in a fire department where black men as a group were less of an established presence, or where white women were on the job before firefighters of color. This is unusual in larger departments, though not unheard of, and relatively common in many smaller departments in mostly-white communities. Chetkovich does not note or dwell on several other local factors that undoubtedly affected her results, including two distinct aspects of the OFD's history of hiring women. The OFD is 8% female, four times the national average and significantly higher than many large, urban fire departments. Women have served as firefighters for more than twelve years, and some have been promoted to lieutenant. Women also served as instructors for this recruit academy. While other on-the-job contact between female veterans and female recruits in the study appeared to have been minimal (no woman in the study was mentioned as having been assigned to a crew with a senior woman), incumbent women were nonetheless on the job as role models and pioneers. In addition, many of the women in the class knew one or more women on the department and received informal mentoring and support from them off duty. The presence and numbers of women on the job could be expected to have a positive effect on the success of female recruits. The other side of the coin, however, is that most of the women on the OFD had been hired following a court order that set hiring goals with respect to race and gender. While this was the major factor in increasing the number of women on the job, it also increased backlash and resentment. How strong this resentment would have been in the absence of the court order, and how free veteran white men would have felt to express it, are an open question. Chetkovich's reliance on the experiences and data from Oakland firefighters thus leads her into a few conclusions whose truth is confined to the Oakland city limits. For example, she suggests: "Without quotas, the urban fire service would in all likelihood continue to be almost entirely white and certainly all male." While this is possibly true in Oakland (although there were women on the OFD before the court order was imposed), it is not the case elsewhere. In 1990, only 16% of women firefighters in the U.S. had been hired as a result of a court order or consent decree, and the numbers have certainly declined since then. (A more compelling argument could be made for the statement in a general sense: that without the hypothetical threat of lawsuits that could lead to hiring goals, most fire departments would not have moved voluntarily to open their doors to women.) Overall, however, this book is not just about the Oakland Fire Department. Chetkovich has done an admirable job of understanding fire department culture and presenting it in a coherent and compelling way. The experiences she documents and reports are those of all non-traditional firefighters, and the lessons to be learned from these experiences are relevant to fire departments everywhere. The fire service stands to benefit greatly from her work. *The group studied, which was part of a much larger recruit class, consisted of seven white men, seven white women, six African-American men, two Asian-American men, two Filipino-American men, two Latino men and one African-American woman. **Six of the seven white men and three of the six Latino men had prior firefighting experience or had a close family member in the Oakland F.D. Only one African-American man, and no women, had a family member on the job, and no women or black men had prior firefighting experience. .Real Heat (paperback edition) may be ordered from WFS for $20/copy plus $2/copy for shipping. Contact us at 608/233-4768 for shipping costs and bulk discounts on multiple-copy orders. |
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